How To End Government Intolerance Of Islam In Ethiopia – OpEd

Alemayehu Fentaw Weldemariam

11 November 2012, Eurasia Review

The current Ethiopian constitution provides for freedom of religion and requires the separation of state and religion. However the Muslim community in Ethiopia has been, for more than a year now, holding protests at mosques around the country against what is perceived as government interference in religious affairs.  The protesters are demanding that the current members of the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (Majlis) be replaced by elected representatives and that elections for Majlis representatives be held in mosques rather than in the Kebeles. Some members of the Muslim community accuse the Ethiopian Government of controlling the Majlis and sponsoring the propagation of Al-Ahbash, a little known sect of Islam. The Ethiopian Government, on the other hand, accuses the protesters of being led by extremists who want to establish an Islamic state in place of the current secular multination federation. The Ethiopian Government has responded against some protests in 2012 with deadly force, most recently in Assassa in April and Gerba in October, resulting in the death of at least seven protesters, a large number of injuries, and the imprisonment of a number of protesters on terrorism charges.

 

The protests were triggered by the suspension of the Awoliyah Muslim Mission School and the dismissal of 50 Arabic teachers via a letter issued by the Majlis. The Awoliyah Muslim Mission School, has been a member since 1993 of the Islamic charitable agency known as International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO), and has been linked to the Saudi Arabia controlled World Muslim League. Ethiopian authorities consider Awoliyah to be a breeding ground for a new generation of radical Muslims, which they refer to as "Salafi-Jihadists" or "Wahabi-Salafists". However, the Muslim protesters have consistently adhered to nonviolent demonstrations, leaving the Ethiopian Government with little to no evidence of behavior or action that could be described as terrorism. It is clear to date that the Ethiopian Government is manufacturing a security problem where none actually exists.

A careful consideration of the matter reveals that what's happening in Ethiopia today is a reflection of what has been taking place in the West. Concerns about terrorism have degenerated into an irrational suspicion of Muslims, which will continue unabated until Ethiopia and its Western partners reflect more critically on their own perceptions. It is reasonable to argue that Ethiopia's leaders are experiencing a growing fear of Islamic terrorism given the fact that it is combating the Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabab in Somalia and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the Somali region of Ethiopia. This is buttressed by a universal consensus among analysts that Somalia and Sudan are exporters of both political Islam and Islamic terrorism. Given that Ethiopia is widely considered as a bulwark against Al Qaeda-linked terrorists in the Horn of Africa, Somalia and, across the Gulf of Aden, in Yeman, one could argue that Ethiopia is not suffering from siege mentality, but rather that it is suffering from rational fear.

There is some evidence that the Ethiopian Muslim community has been radicalized, although not in the sense that it has a political agenda, but in the sense that it has attained a higher degree of religious consciousness and has become more aware of its particularistic identity.  In light of "Arab Spring" events that took place in North Africa and the Middle East, toppling repressive governments, it can be argued that the Ethiopian authorities are haunted by the fear of an 'Ethiopian Spring', which has not only contributed to the current crackdown on the media and the political opposition, but also against the Muslim community. Ethiopia has increasingly become intolerant of Islam.

There is little evidence to support the Ethiopian Government's claim that its own Muslim community poses a legitimate threat to national and regional security. It only seems to be driven by a shrewd strategic calculus. Since Ethiopia is a critical partner in the West's war on terror, the government thinks it helps to foment fear of the rise of radical Islam in Ethiopia that would lead to an improbable takeover of power by political Islam. The current Ethiopian Government seeks to keep Western support and aid flowing into the country through characterizing the Muslim community as linked to Islamic radicals and terrorist and thus a threat to national security.

The fear being cultivated by the Ethiopian Government without basis in evidence has lead to the dubious actions it has engaged in. It would be irrational for a country that has had a history of Islamic terrorism to dismiss the fear of Islamic terrorism. When it comes to Ethiopia, the fear is irrational in light of its recent past and current events. My point is that rational fear can be a guide to sensible public policy. However, it is simply absurd to believe that all Muslims in Ethiopia are fiends and terrorists in disguise. The Ethiopian Government is using irrational fear to justify intolerance of Islam, and all of this because of bad public policy.

To the extent that secularism is a constitutionally enshrined principle of governance, the interference is unacceptable. Any sponsorship by the government of a religious sect over others or any attempt of privileging one religion over another is illegitimate, be it Al-Ahbash or Wahabi. But this is not to divest the government of its legitimate authority to neutralize security threats as they arise. Recognizing the threshold requires not only good public policy and laws, but also responsible enforcement. If the Ethiopian Government supports a religious group such as Al-Ahbash, it must leave the task of propagating it to the faith-based nongovernmental organizations, rather than the Ministry of Federal Affairs. The primary problem is that the Ethiopian Government has already legislated civil society out of existence with its charities legislation, so that the legitimate activities of religious groups are constrained.

The threat claimed by the Ethiopian Government, which as yet is not clear and present, does not emanate from radicalization, but from the embrace of political Islam and its concomitant militancy. The threat emanating from radicalization in my view does not call for direct government intervention. It would have been better addressed by civil society organizations. Unfortunately, in Ethiopia today there is barely any vibrant civil society, including religion-based and inter-faith NGOs working in the area of peace and reconciliation as they were legislated out of existence by the government itself.

My prognosis is that the protests will surely grow so much so that it overwhelms the government's ability to handle the situation. I don't expect the peaceful Muslim protesters to resort to violent means in the near future. My concern is that the Ethiopian government will eventually resort to more force and repression than is warranted under the circumstances. While it is impossible to predict the consequences, one thing is certain – hatred begets hatred. Some thought the protests would simply go away with the Majlis elections. Now we know that a significant proportion of the Muslim community boycotted the polls that took place on 7 October 2012, although the Government claimed the elections were concluded successfully.

Another reason why the Ethiopian Government's actions are misguided is because Islam has been historically a decentralized religious institution in Ethiopia. With the formal establishment of the Majlis by the Ethiopian Government in 1976, it has enjoyed an official governmental status, with its chairman considered by the government as "representative of the entire Muslim community," and is accorded the same courtesies as the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church, the Bishop of the Catholic Church, and the Head of the Protestant Churches in public ceremonies. Historically, it has always been the responsibility of local mosques to appoint clerics, which makes the Ethiopian Government's effort to control each and every mosque in the country through the Majlis untenable. It simply doesn't work that way.

If the Ethiopian Government wants to help resolve this emerging conflict, it should refrain from interference. It should also make a goodwill gesture not only towards meeting the demands of Muslim protesters, but also in promoting a respectful and sustained dialogue among Muslims belonging to different Islamic sects, instead of promoting one sect of Islam to the exclusion of others. A positive first step would be to release the imprisoned elected leaders of the Muslim community and conduct the election of the members of the Majlis at the mosques rather than at the kebeles. Moreover, it must stop sponsoring Ahbashism at the expense of other sects of Islam as long as they respect the constitution and other laws of the land.

 

Last but not least, the Ethiopian Government should refrain from unnecessary provocations, which have been abundant in government publications and statements by authorities. After all, the Ethiopian Government owes Ethiopian Muslims all due respect and equal treatment, if not tolerance. For me, tolerance is not enough. The problem with applying the concept of tolerance to the case of Ethiopian Muslims is that it neglects the rich history of Islam in Ethiopia. It ignores the fact that Ethiopia's Muslims were early historical converts in the same way as Ethiopia's Christians.

However, through repressive interference the Ethiopian Government will only be sowing the seeds of a radicalized political Islam that it seeks to keep at bay. The ongoing interference will do more harm than good.

US Deeply Concerned by Emerging Religious Freedom Violations in Ethiopia

November 8, 2012| By USCIRF

 
 

The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) is deeply concerned about the increasing deterioration of religious freedoms for Muslims in Ethiopia.  Since July 2011, the Ethiopian government has sought to force a change in the sect of Islam practiced nationwide and has punished clergy and laity who have resisted.  Muslims throughout Ethiopia have been arrested during peaceful protests: On October 29, the Ethiopia government charged 29 protestors with terrorism and attempting to establish an Islamic state.

 
 

"These charges are only the latest and most concerning attempt  by the Ethiopian government to crush opposition to its efforts to control the practice of religion by imposing on Ethiopian Muslims a specific interpretation of Islam,"  said USCIRF Commissioner Azizah al-Hibri.  "The individuals charged were among tens of thousands peacefully protesting the government's violations of international standards and their constitutional right to religious freedom.  The Ethiopian government should cease interfering in the internal affairs of its Muslim community and immediately and unconditionally release those wrongfully imprisoned."

 
 

Since July 2011, the Ethiopian government has sought to impose the al-Ahbash Islamic sect on the country's Muslim community, a community that traditionally has practiced the Sufi form of Islam.   The government also has manipulated the election of the new leaders of the Ethiopia Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (EIASC).  Previously viewed as an independent body, EIASC is now viewed as a government-controlled institution.  The arrests, terrorism charges and takeover of EIASC signify a troubling escalation in the government's attempts to control Ethiopia's Muslim community and provide further evidence of a decline in religious freedom in Ethiopia.

 
 

"The U.S. government should raise with the new leadership in Addis Ababa the importance of abiding by Ethiopia's own constitution and international standards on freedom of religion of belief.  USCIRF has found that repressing religious communities in the name of countering extremism leads to more extremism, greater instability, and possibly violence," said USCIRF Chair Dr. Katrina Lantos Swett.  "Given Ethiopia's strategic importance in the Horn of Africa and that Muslims account for more than one-third of all Ethiopians, it is vital that the Ethiopian government end its religious freedom abuses and allow Muslims to practice peacefully their faith as they see fit.  Otherwise, the government's current policies and practices will lead to greater destabilization of an already volatile region." 

 
 

Background

 
 

Ethiopian Muslims traditionally are Sufis.  Article 27 of the Ethiopian constitution guarantees religious freedom and "the independence of the state from religion."  

 
 

However, due to a concern about the rise of Wahhabism in Ethiopia, the government in July 2011 brought al-Ahbash imams from Lebanon to train Ethiopian imams and Islamic school educators on that sect's beliefs to teach their students and worshippers.  The government dismissed from their positions those who refused to be trained in or teach al-Ahbash and closed mosques and schools.  Beginning in December 2011, protests have been held almost every Friday outside of mosques after prayers.  While these demonstrations have taken place nationwide, they are centered at the Awalia Mosque and Islamic school in Addis Ababa.  

 
 

As the protests continued, an Arbitration Committee of 17 Islamic leaders was created this past spring to negotiate with the government about: 1) respecting the Ethiopian constitution's guarantees of religious freedom; 2) ending government imposition of al-Ahbash on Ethiopian Muslims, while allowing al-Ahbash to operate equally with other religious communities; 3) re-opening and returning schools and mosques to their original imams and administrators; and 4) holding new elections for the EIASC, and having these elections take place  in mosques, rather than in neighborhood government community centers, to ensure that the community's selections would be honored. 

 
 

By July, the negotiations had failed and the protests increased in both size and frequency.  In response, the Ethiopian government started to crack down on and intimidate the demonstrators, surrounding them with armed guards and conducting house-to-house searches.  Between July 13 and 21, the government arrested all 17 members of the Arbitration Committee and at least 70 protestors. (While the government has confirmed 70 people were arrested, demonstrators place the number in the hundreds).  Human rights organizations reported that the police used excessive force against individuals during the arrests and while in detention.  While many were released after being held for a short time, nine of the Arbitration Committee members remain in jail.  

 
 

The charges the government leveled on October 29 were the first issued against any of the arrested protestors, including the nine Arbitration Committee members who were not released with their colleagues in July.  The individuals charged were first detained and held in Maikelwai federal police detention center, which frequently houses political prisoners and is known for abusing prisoners, including torturing them during interrogations.  The individuals detained also were charged under the nation's anti-terror law which has been used to target dissent, rather than to stop terrorism. 

 
 

Protestors now hold up yellow or white placards to signal that they are peaceful and to condemn the arrests and charges.  While the demonstrations largely have been peaceful, there have been a few violent incidents:  On October 21, 2011 four Muslims were killed as they stormed a jail attempting to free protestors and in April 2012 five people were killed protesting the dismissal of an imam who refused to propagate al-Ahbash.

Ethiopia Abusing Religious Freedom of Muslims: U.S. Body

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - A U.S. panel on religious freedom accused the Ethiopian government of trying to tighten control of its Muslim minority amid mass protests, saying it is risking greater destabilization of the Horn of Africa region. ... However, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) accused the government of arresting peaceful Muslim protesters, noting that 29 of them had been charged last month with what the authorities said was "planning to commit terrorist acts". Read the full article here

On the Current Muslim Protests in Ethiopia: A Conversation between Jenny Vaughan of AFP & Alemayehu Fenatw of the LBJ School of Public Affairs, University of Texas

Note: This conversation took place between Jenny Vaughan, the AFP correspondent based in Addis Ababa and Alemayehu Fentaw, a visiting scholar at the LBJ School of Public Affairs, via email between 8 and 24 October 2012 regarding the current Muslim protests in Ethiopia.

 

 

Jenny Vaughan:       What does the government's response to the Muslim protests tell you about religious tolerance among the ruling regime in Ethiopia?

Alemayehu Fentaw: What's going on in Ethiopia is a reflection of what's happening in the West. Fears of terrorism in the West have deteriorated into an irrational suspicion of Muslims, which will continue until the West turns its critical eye inwards. Since Ethiopia is a critical partner in the US war on terror, its government thinks it helps to appear terrified by the prospect of the rise of Islamism and an improbable takeover of governmental power by political Islam. That way, Ethiopia hopes to keep Western aid flowing into the country.

Fear with no basis in evidence leads to dubious actions such as the one the Government of Ethiopia is engaged in. It'd be irrational to dismiss the fear of Islamic terrorism, given that a country has had a history of Islamic terrorism. When it comes to Ethiopia, nonetheless, that fear is irrational in the light of its recent past and current events. Rational fear ought to guide sensible public policy. It's simply absurd to believe that all Muslims are fiends in disguise. Look at the protests. The authorities make no distinction in disappointing the Muslim community based on sects. They are being intolerant generally of all Muslims without distinction, and all of this because of a bad public policy.

There's no doubt that the Ethiopian Muslim community has been radicalized, not in the sense that it has a political agenda, but in the sense that it has attained a higher degree of religious consciousness and hence become aware of it particularistic identity far more than it used to be in the past.  And in light of events that took place in North Africa and the Middle East that came to be known as the Arab Spring, it can be safely assumed that the authorities are being haunted by fear of an 'Ethiopian Spring'. As you can see, that fear of a possible 'Ethiopian Spring' has resulted not only in the current crackdown on the media and the opposition, but also on the Muslim community. Ethiopia has increasingly become intolerant of Islam.

Jenny Vaughan:          Do Muslims in Ethiopia pose a legitimate (extremist) threat to the country and region?

Alemayehu Fentaw: There's very little evidence to support the claim that Ethiopian Muslims pose a legitimate threat to national and regional security. However, there's a universal consensus among analysts worth the name that Somalia and Sudan are exporters not only of political Islam, but also of Islamic terrorism. This again is not a universal claim about Muslims in Ethiopia. There could be individual Muslim proselytizers bent on using violence. There were a few incidents of violence, but it takes an independent commission to investigate into the claims. I don't personally buy the government's claims.

Jenny Vaughan:         Some members of the Muslim community say there is no real government pressure to impose Al-Ahbash, while others say the imposition is indeed there and unconstitutional. In your assessment, do you think the government is legitimately trying to impose the sect?

Alemayehu Fentaw: The Muslim community is claiming in unison that there's uncalled-for governmental interference in the internal affairs of Ethiopian Muslims. To that extent and to the extent that secularism is a constitutionally enshrined principle of governance, the interference is unacceptable. Therefore, any sponsorship by the government of a religious sect over others or any attempt of privileging one religion over another is illegitimate, be it Al-Ahbash or Wahabi. But this is not to divest the government of its legitimate authority to neutralize security threats as they arise and recognizing the threshold requires not only good public policy and laws, but also responsible enforcement. If the government feels like Al-Ahbash, it has to leave the task of propagating it to the faith-based nongovernmental organizations, rather than tasking the Ministry of Federal Affairs with a non-governmental mandate. The problem is the government has already legislated the civil society out of existence. Evangelists or what have you could also do some work, but thanks to the charities legislation, their activities are constrained.

Jenny Vaughan:         Will the government's relationship with Muslim community change now that Hailemariam Desalegn has taken over as PM?

Alemayehu Fentaw: It seems to me the replacement of a Marxist Prime Minister by a Protestant Prime Minister would not do much in realigning the Muslim community with the government. What is crucial is putting in place a sensible public policy, competent public service, and proper enforcement, which is badly wanting in Ethiopia today.   

Jenny Vaughan:         Do you think there is potential for protests to grow and threaten government? Or will they go away now that council elections are over?

Alemayehu Fentaw: The protests will surely grow so much so that the government becomes too frustrated to handle the situation. But, I don't expect them to resort to violent means in the course of their protests. My fear is that the government will eventually resort to more force than is warranted under the circumstances. And you never know what will happen after that.

The protests won't go away easily. They will stick there as far as the protesters demands are not met. It's too stupid to think that they'll go away once the Majlis elections are over. And I guess that's what the authorities are thinking.

 
 

Jenny Vaughan:         What should the government response to protesters' demands be?

Alemayehu Fentaw: Cessation of interference and making a gesture towards meeting their demands is the solution. And the first step would be to release the imprisoned elected leaders of the Muslim community and conduct the election of the members of the Majlis in the mosques rather than the kebeles. Finally, it has to stop sponsoring the propagation of Ahbashism at the expense of other sects of Islam as long as the Wahabis or whatever you call them respects the constitution and other laws of the land.

The government has also to stop using the current Islamic protests to crackdown on political dissent emanating from whether within the ruling coalition or the opposition from the largely Muslim constituency found in much of south Ethiopia.

The government's interference has been totally unacceptable and served as a recipe for conflict. And to continue to interfere in the internal affairs of the Muslim community will do more harm than good.

 

Jenny Vaughan: Anything you'd like to add?

Alemayehu Fentaw: If there's anything I'd like to add, Islamic militancy posed a threat to Ethiopia's national security at different times in the remote past. … But, the gravest of all the threats came with the advent of Ahmad Gran. In all instances, it was a reaction to oppression by the Christian State. But Islamic revivalism, which is positive in itself, and radicalism, which is undesired and a spillover effect, came as a result of the sacralization of identity politics, which is not such a bad idea in and of itself. So radicalism is one thing, but militancy is different. The threat, which as yet is not clear and present, does not emanate from radicalization (which is purely religious, not political), but from the embrace of political Islam and its concomitant militancy. The threat emanating from radicalization in my view does not call for direct government intervention. It would have been adequately addressed by civil society organizations. (Wait a minute; let me ask you just for once: do you believe that the current interference by the government is justified?) So what's lacking? As you might already have suspected, what absent is a vibrant civil society organizations, including religion-based and inter-faith NGOs working in the area of peace and reconciliation. Alas, they were legislated out of existence by the government.

Aiga published this provocative article following the peaceful conclusion of the Majlis elections and the passing of a Jum'a without protests in Addis, albeit the protests took place in mosques in some rural areas. A conversation I had with inside sources, however, indicate that Eid is only a week from today and hence it's a little too soon for any triumphalist celebration by the government. A cable news reporter, whose identity I can't disclose for security reasons, surmised the Muslim protesters seem to be suffering from "strategic indecision", which was also confirmed to me by inside sources. I for one wish to warn the authorities against uncalled-for provocations.
http://aigaforum.com/articles/the-election-that-broke-extermist-backbone.pdf

 

Jenny Vaughan: As you know, many Muslim protestors accuse the government of appointing teachers and preachers to promote al Ahbash in schools and mosques. The government denies this. What I am wondering is who is normally responsible for the appointment of clerics and/or teachers in mosques and schools--does that task fall to the Islamic Council or simple the local Muslim community?

Alemayehu Fentaw:
The Awoliyah Muslim Mission School, belonged since 1993 to the Islamic charitable agency known as International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO), and has been linked to the Saudi-controlled World Muslim League. Therefore, it's the responsibility of the management of the school, and not the government, to hire and fire teachers and Islamic scholars. However, this is not to deny the government's responsibility to supervise charitable organizations. It seems that Ethiopian authorities consider it to be a breeding ground for radical Muslims, whom they refer to as "salafi-jihadists," "Wahabi-Salafists," and what not. I think there's too much securitization of the matter on part of the government.

 
 

In Ethiopia Islam has been institutionally speaking decentralized, albeit the Islamic Affairs' Supreme Council (Majlis), formally established in 1976, enjoys a degree of officialdom and its chairman is considered by the government as "representative of the entire Muslim community" and accorded the same courtesies as the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church, Bishop of the Catholic Church, and Head of the Protestant Churches in public ceremonials. Therefore, it has always been the responsibility of local mosques to appoint clerics. Put differently, you can't control what each and every mosque in the country does by controlling the Majlis. It doesn't work that way.

Ethiopia starts negotiating with Ogaden separatist rebels

By Associated Press, ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — The Ethiopian government and separatist rebels say they have started negotiations. Ethiopian officials and representatives of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, or ONLF, met in Kenya for peace talks last week, the rebels said in a statement Saturday. Read more.

Ethiopia Faces Dangers but Also Opportunities in Meles Succession

Despite tensions in the ruling party over choosing a replacement, the passing of a man who ruled for a generation may produce a more responsive government By William Lloyd-George, Addis Ababa, September 7, 2012

Nibret Gelese spent years saving up to move from his home town Mekele, in the north of Ethiopia, and make a newlife in Addis Ababa. “Everyone said it was the place to be, the place to get rich,” he tells TIME shutting the rusty door to his small phone shop. “Now I’m not sure what to expect, everyone is pretty scared about what might happen without Meles.” Nibret’s anxiety over life without Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who died August 20 from an undisclosed illness after ruling Ethiopia for 21 years, is echoed across the sprawling capital. “Meles was our hero, he kept the bad people in government under control, and developed our county enormously,” says a taxi driver. Meles had dropped out of medical school to fight in the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), part of the alliance that in 1991 overthrew the communist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam. Since then, Meles has been praised for his vision of an ‘Ethiopian Renaissance’ and for policies that helped alleviate a great deal of Ethiopia’s poverty. Many fear that progress and stability won’t be sustained without his leadership. Read more here

Somaliland: Stop Deporting Ethiopian Refugees

Human Rights Watch (Nairobi) – The Somaliland authorities should immediately stop deporting Ethiopian refugees and asylum seekers to Ethiopia. On August 31, 2012, dozens of Ethiopians, mostly women and children, were forcibly returned to Ethiopia in violation of international legal prohibitions against sending people to places where they might face persecution or threats to their lives. The Somaliland authorities deported Ethiopians arrested after police raids on August 30 and 31 on an informal settlement known as the Social Welfare Centre in Somaliland’s main city, Hargeisa, where several hundred asylum seekers and migrants from Ethiopia have lived for almost a year. The exact number and immigration status of those returned is unclear, but a witness estimated seeing around 100 people sent across the border. In late December 2011, Somaliland attempted to forcibly return 20 Ethiopian refugees and asylum seekers and tried to close down the Social Welfare Centre. “Rounding up and deporting asylum seekers is not the way to treat vulnerable people seeking Somaliland’s protection,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Somaliland authorities should instead ensure that Ethiopian asylum seekers are registered and given the protection and assistance to which they are entitled.” Human Rights Watch said deporting registered refugees and asylum seekers constitutes refoulement, the unlawful return of anyone to persecution or to a place where their life or freedom is threatened. International law prohibits the deportation of anyone seeking asylum before they have received a fair determination of their claim. Local sources told Human Rights Watch that on the morning of August 30 the owner of land surrounding the Social Welfare Centre told the Ethiopians living there to leave. When they refused, fighting broke out and police arrived. According to witnesses, police fired live ammunition during the ensuing struggle and wounded at least six Ethiopians, including one who was shot in the arm and the leg. The sources also said Ethiopians at the centre may have injured four police officers. The police then arrested 56 of the Ethiopians, including the majority of those injured, and took them to different detention facilities in Hargeisa. 25 registered refugees and two asylum seekers were detained at the Central Police Station. One of those refugees told Human Rights Watch that six injured refugees had not received medical assistance for three days before they were released. According to witnesses, police returned to the centre during the morning and early afternoon of August 31 and loaded dozens of people –mainly women and children –onto several trucks and drove them to the border town of Wajale. The same afternoon, the police drove 28 men they had detained on August 30 in Hargeisa to Wajale. The first two trucks, one carrying the men and another carrying primarily women and children, immediately crossed into Ethiopia and dropped the individuals off on Ethiopian territory. According to the United Nations refugee agency, on the evening of August 31 staff members identified 72 refugees among the group still at Wajale, as well as one woman who had been driven across to the Ethiopian side of the border. The refugee agency returned them to Hargeisa. However, Somaliland authorities prevented the UN refugee agency from assisting an unknown number of other individuals in Wajale, including registered asylum seekers, and the individuals who had already been brought across the border to Ethiopia. As of September 4, the location of the other Ethiopians returned to their country was unknown, Human Rights Watch said. An unconfirmed report said that 32 men were detained at the Ethiopian border post until the afternoon of September 1, when Ethiopian authorities transferred them to an unknown location. “The Somaliland authorities should allow the UN refugee agency prompt access to Ethiopians facing deportation to give them a chance to seek asylum,” Lefkow said. “The ongoing deadlock in the asylum process in Somaliland is not an excuse for any abuses.” Background Since October 2011, hundreds of refugees and asylum seekers from Ethiopia – as well as migrants who have been unable to claim asylum since the Somaliland authorities suspended registration in 2008 – have lived in the Social Welfare Centre, which was leased by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Since the lease ended in late December 2011, the centre’s owner has pressed the authorities to forcibly evict those living there. In March 2012, the authorities destroyed part of a makeshift camp set up on the edge of the centre, saying it was part of a wider urban “clean-up exercise.” Somaliland ended all registration of asylum seekers in October 2008 following a series of suicide bombings in Hargeisa. UNHCR estimates that there are at least 20,000 undocumented foreigners in Somaliland, including unknown numbers of Ethiopians and others who want to claim asylum but cannot do so because they cannot register. Since March 2012, UNHCR and the minister of interior have been re-registering asylum seekers who registered before October 2008, although it appears asylum claims have not all been reviewed. UNHCR says registration of all non-registered migrants is scheduled to resume in September 2012. Large numbers flee Ethiopia to escape persecution every year. Refugees who are returned by force have frequently been detained by the authorities. Torture is common in Ethiopia's prisons.